Government Swindler Andriy Bohdan: The Story of the Secret Life of One Sly Bureaucrat

Our hero is a very sly and pushy little man. While serving as the incumbent Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine — the Government Commissioner for Anti-Corruption Policy, he managed to commit blatant criminal acts en masse and receive… huge bonuses for it. In the form of specific material values into his personal pocket.

Complicity in the major swindle, which we will describe below, has already brought Andriy Iosypovych Bohdan, this very Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and, by association, arguably the country's top anti-corruption specialist, approximately $2.5 million. Green money, completely unaccounted for by the tax authority. Briefly, the activities of the "deputy fixer" look like this: there is a certain large and very "black" firm in the industry market ("Softline"), specialising in the implementation of various accounting and document circulation systems, and keeping a specific official on an informal payroll. This firm has been under investigation by law enforcement agencies for many years as one of the country's most brazen "money laundering stations" and operates under the code name "Organised Crime Group in the Sphere of High Technologies and Ministerial Corruption (IT-OCG) 'Softline'". So, this very OCG has been persistently, for many years, trying to "break into" the Ministry of Justice's document databases to gain direct access to all of Ukraine's registration documents. To this end, it corrupts officials at various levels en masse, conducts special operations to gather compromising material on these same officials, and tempts them with large portions of black cash. But "Softline" is still categorically barred from accessing the most important state document circulation. "Then why do we need a pocket official on the payroll?" – the owner of "Softline", Anton Marrero, reasoned sensibly. And he gave the sly deputy a proper dressing-down. The conversation is precisely about that very "anti-corruption deputy minister" Bohdan, who has thoroughly memorised the entrances and exits in government buildings and now sells this knowledge to the appropriate "clients". And now Andriy Iosypovych Bohdan is performing his own "ritual dance", trying to involve… the Ministry of Justice in a strange corrupt game. To this end, he quickly and professionally organises intimidating inspections of rival firms. That is the minimum. At maximum – he tries to create full-fledged corruption webs…

The Inside of a "Thief in a Suit"

But let us step back two paces. To understand the inner workings of a man named Bohdan. So, even while serving as Deputy Minister of Justice in Yulia Tymoshenko's government and thanks to the direct patronage of Turchynov (incidentally, the OCG "Softline" operated precisely under the roof-patronage of Oleksandr Valentynovych), Bohdan produced deliberately falsified "inspection acts". It is clear that based on this forgery, he intended to build his entire intrigue – to organise harsh criminal prosecution of opponents and thereby clear the path for his group. Alas, to Bohdan's great regret, the courts refused to play his game and began issuing court rulings en masse, completely dismantling his lawlessness. Bohdan panics and increasingly descends into blatant misconduct.

But then a change of power occurs in the country. Bohdan is among the first (such is this little man) to betray his old patrons and quickly attaches himself to the new masters. Money, after all, has no smell. And his personal "business in selling corrupt services" must yield profit in any wind. Bohdan knows the first rule of a sly corrupt official: you need to be the first to tell your "story of theft", accuse everyone else, and block their movement through the hierarchy.

Prime Minister Azarov, who declared a full audit of the "Tymoshenko legacy", also gives an instruction to objectively investigate the situation around "document circulation in the Ministry of Justice" and conduct a re-audit. The new inspection is completed in the shortest possible time. But its results categorically do not suit Bohdan. Because based on the results of this inspection, he will have to pay large severance fees "for an unfulfilled dirty order". Without much thought, Andriy Iosypovych refuses to acknowledge the objective inspection acts (because if he acknowledges them, the question of the validity of the conclusions of the old inspections and the obvious self-interested intent on the part of Bohdan himself and the former leadership of the SBU will arise) and tries to launch a new thieving carousel. In particular, using his anti-corruption position in the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, he openly and without any embarrassment suggests to the SBU that they write the report "as he, Andriy Bohdan, needs it". An interesting innovation: the deputy minister demands the commission of documentary forgery and does not even hide it. Naturally, no one wanted to become forgers and subsequently answer "for that deputy's crimes". But Bohdan is a sly lad, after all, to come up with new lawless initiatives. Thus, he hastily sets the SBU's "K" department on his own auditors from the SBU, accusing the latter… of unwillingness to carry out unprovoked repressions and to prepare pre-falsified acts. How is that? Is he not a master of the criminal genre?

At the same time, Bohdan personally (which also boggles the mind) attacks the courts, intending to force them to "cancel legally correct court decisions and issue a deliberately unlawful decision, but in favour of his partners". If the court starts to resist (and there are many such, naturally) and cites the impossibility of issuing deliberately false decisions, Bohdan immediately initiates the procedure for… dismissing the judge from office. At the very least, he manages to get the judge on their knees and agreeing to issue any – even blatantly criminal – decisions in favour of the "Bohdan group".

Finally, Andriy Iosypovych personally writes a fake (the level of criminal talent in this little man is astonishing!) final report, signs it with the surname of Deputy Prime Minister Tihypko S.L., and distributes it to key offices under this "trademark" (deputy prime minister). The fabricated "Tihypko note" lays out false information in black and white and draws a basic conclusion: those who have been working with the Ministry of Justice for decades must be dismissed, and the entire document circulation must be handed over to the "most honest partners" from Softline. In particular, Bohdan, pretending to be merely a courier, manages to pass this "fake note" to Prime Minister Azarov. That's it. Full stop. Bohdan himself believes that Softline should already be handing him a villa somewhere in Nice – a monopoly for many years on huge sums is secured. Is that really the case? And are all these machinations in an elegant "thieving" style needed by the state? Of course not. And as soon as the true motives of "Softline" come to light, the state will immediately hit someone hard on the hand.

But Bohdan is not for nothing listed as a top-tier survivalist official, having outlived both his day-before-yesterday friend-patron Ihor Pukshyn and his yesterday boss Oleksandr Turchynov. He masked his entire self-interested intent with other people's signatures – Tihypko's or Azarov's. In the grand scheme of things, it is they who will have to answer the simple question: why are they destroying a state company, dragging a strange firm by the ear, and trying to give it access to state secrets?

Bohdan, on the other hand, will survive (as he hopes) these two as well, and then offer his services to the next deputy prime ministers and prime ministers. Such is this little man. One would like to grab him by his sticky little hand and send him to the state institution appropriate to his status. For re-education. But here is the catch: can our current state keep track of the pushy Bohdan, who weaves deftly through the criminal backrooms? How, in general, to reason with the Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine – the Government Commissioner for Anti-Corruption Policy, who knows perfectly well where and how to lie to get a kickback? Incidentally, during his outstanding work "for the state", this modest "anti-corruption fighter" managed to "buy"… 175.6 hectares of land in Kyiv Oblast on his no less modest official salary. How did he do it? Easily: Bohdan diligently "laundered" bribe money obtained through criminal means through the purchase-exchange of land plots. How exactly this "modest and honest official" became the owner of expensive land near Kyiv in the amount of almost 200 hectares, we will tell you a bit lower. Specifically for the Prosecutor General's Office.

Some, having read this introduction to "Bohdan's corrupt behaviour", will wave their hands in despair. "And what is new in this? Alas, in our state, such an algorithm of behaviour for a specific official is quite natural. Because this specific official first came to the Ministry of Justice, and then to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, not to work for the state, but solely for his own pocket". That is true. But it would still not hurt to make an example of someone. Especially since Bohdan is a nobody to the current power, an outsider, who is badly tarnishing the reputation of the Yanukovych team. Although on the other hand, the man is listed as the incumbent Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers. But is it not visible to the naked eye that in reality he is on the informal staff of the private company "Softline", whose functions are reduced to carrying out a single mission – to destroy Softline's competitors in any state institutions and ensure Softline's corrupt penetration to budget funds and state documents? It takes very little – just to look properly at official Bohdan and softly ask him to sit in a cell for a day or two. In pre-trial investigation. All criminal schemes will immediately be neatly packed onto the shelves – take and hold exemplary court trials, enhance the reputation of the new Ukrainian state.

The Birth of a Dark Hero

Before telling how exactly Andriy Bohdan robs the state, we will find out who he is in the first place. At first glance, Andriy Iosypovych gives the impression of a professional and even shy official (though it is almost immediately clear that the shyness is merely a consequence of his specific intellectual status), who thinks day and night about the interests of the great Motherland. But literally within a minute, you understand that sitting before you is a sly and hardened "fixer", capable of skillfully squeezing the last drop out of anyone seeking legal help.

From the "dossier" on citizen Bohdan A.I.: "Born in 1976, born in Lviv. In 1998-2001 — legal counsel of the Lviv Railway. May – November 2001 – work at the law firm "Pravis". From December 2001 to September 2004 — assistant to a judge of the Kyiv Appellate Commercial Court. In 2004 became a partner at the "Law Firm 'Pukshyn and Partners'". And from 2007 became the leading partner of the "Law Firm 'Legal Advisors'".

Everything seems banal. Except for the main point – in 2004 (on the eve of the Orange Revolution), he got into the orbit of Ihor Pukshyn, the future chief lawyer of Viktor Yushchenko. And already as a "member of Pukshyn's team", he became Deputy Minister of Justice in 2007. Pukshyn definitely needed his own man in the Ministry of Justice.

The particular cynicism of the situation lies in the fact that a lawyer specialising in raiding (Bohdan) was obliged in the Ministry of Justice to ensure the implementation of state legal policy in the sphere of anti-corruption. That is, in essence, Bohdan had to fight himself. Which, of course, he has been successfully doing all along, earning quite well from this fight.

And now the promised story about the major land baron Bohdan. It was precisely during his "work" in the Ministry of Justice that our hero fully tasted the flavour of dirty money – in those sweet days, he receives huge bribes and, using complex schemes of land plot exchanges, tries to legitimise them. The "exchange schemes" looked quite primitive: Bohdan purchases one land plot and then exchanges a small part of it for another land plot. Already of a larger size. Just imagine that in Ukraine there are dozens of people who, in their right minds, exchange 9 ares of land for 61 ares! Did you imagine it? Or 9 ares for 3.4 hectares! Or 9 ares for 98 ares! Voluntarily, without coercion and without any additional payment. Or 9 ares for 2.1 hectares! Or 8 ares for 4.1 hectares! Dozens of deals. A pure swindle, which is presented to us as a matter of course. We are convinced that, it turns out, there are immediately several dozen people who, in the same location of land plots, exchange their own "large" land for such "small" land belonging to Bohdan. And we believe it! The Prosecutor's Office believes it! The Cabinet of Ministers believes in the honesty of its employee, as well as in the fact that a mentally healthy person will exchange their plot for exactly the same plot of land, but 6 or even 37 times smaller. We will ask a rhetorical question: is it possible to exchange the initial 12.3 hectares of land, which Bohdan bought at the very beginning of his "land career", for 139.0 hectares in the same place? No. And therefore we dared to assume that the people who went into such deals are not entirely mentally healthy. To dispel suspicions, our journalists managed to meet with these "exchangers". They are all residents of Makariv district, Kyiv Oblast. They all had large plots of land, which they exchanged with Bohdan for his… small plots. Here are the names of these people (reference for the Prosecutor General's Office): Soroka Olha Matviivna, Morgulets Antonina Stanislavovna, Ostapenko Oksana Mykolaivna, Panchuk Frants Karlovych, Tyshkevych Svitlana Valeriivna, Shvets Anatoliy Ivanovych, Stepanenko Viktoriia Mykolaivna, Boiprav Ihor Ivanovych, Myshynskyi Volodymyr Mykhailovych, Dragovoz Lina Iosypivna, Voytsekhovska Nelia Hennadiivna, Bratseiko Nadiia Viktorivna, Vynukurov Oleksandr Leonidovych, Volochaev Oleksandr Vladymirovych, Hvozdikovska Nataliia Valeriivna, Herasymenko Mykhailo Mykhailovych, Dragovoz Serhiy Petrovych, Korzhenko Halyna Petrovna, Soroka Oleksandr Anatoliyovych, Novyk Olha Pavlivna, Onashchenko Lyudmyla Borysivna, Voloshchenko Heorhiy Ivanovych, Buldakova Anna Oleksandrivna, Dedova Lyudmyla Ivanivna, Korovchenko Andriy Hnatovych, Mylevska Raiisa Iosypivna, Pyrnach Deoniizia Nikodymovna, Taran Leonid Leonidovych, Kovalenko Mykhailo Mykolaovych, Panchyk Yuriy Eduardovych, Mylevskyi Valentyn Frantsevych, Syvko Serhiy Eduardovych, Dziubenko Lyubov Mykhailivna, Kolos Tamara Oleksandrivna, Lysenko Mariia Fedorivna, Mylevskyi Stanislav Stanislavovych, Svyntsiiska Nina Adolfivna, Shvets Anatoliy Ivanovych, Auglis Kateryna Petrovna, Auglis Oleksandr Iosypovych, Hrytsak Lyubov Bronislavovna, Hrytsak Mykhailo Ivanovych, Kolodko Viktor Pavlovych. Between us, they all turned out to be absolutely normal and sane people. In reality, they simply (and very expensively) sold their land plots in the territory of the Zabyuanske village council of Makariv district, Kyiv Oblast, to Bohdan. They received huge amounts of money. But at the request of Andriy Iosypovych, the deals of alienation of large land plots were formalised under "free" exchange contracts, exchanging them for his small plots located nearby in the territory of the same Zabyuanske village council. Thus, Bohdan not only laundered income (bribes) obtained through criminal means, he also did not pay a huge amount of taxes. Since it is obvious that land of 8-9 ares has a completely different value than land of 340-410 ares, which was exchanged without additional payment under the exchange contracts.

It only seems that Andriy Iosypovych works in an inconspicuous (for lovers of big politics) position. Papers, regulations, checking government documents, cleaning these documents of incorrect formulations. What could be interesting and exciting in this routine? But if we add that Bohdan oversees precisely the legendary anti-corruption direction, much becomes clearer immediately.

In a country where corruption is a synonym for movement or decision, a person holding arguably the most important position in terms of defining "who is a corrupter and who is not" is already a big figure. One must undoubtedly enter this figure's office on tiptoes and with fat envelopes under the arm. If Comrade Bohdan decides, for example, to consider an ordinary person the main corrupter in the country, the entire state apparatus will do so. Regardless of the real circumstances of the case. If he decides to make a person with a "crystal reputation" out of a thick-skinned thief of state financial flows – there is nothing to be done about it. In short, it is a lucrative position for the man, which, by a strange coincidence, fell to Bohdan.

"Why by a strange coincidence?" – you will ask. The man seems to be a team player. And we will object and be right. Bohdan has another flaw (besides his huge love for dirty money): he loves to betray his yesterday's partners and quickly find a warm place near new masters. And yet Bohdan was a loyal member of the Orange team: in 2004 he was an active member of the Orange Revolution, in 2007 – candidate for People's Deputy No. 93 in the list of the "NU-NS" Bloc, in 2008 – in the snap elections to the Kyiv City Council, he was eighth in the "NU-NS" list. Not a huge sin by Ukrainian standards – we are full of self-interested defectors. But here too, Bohdan is distinguished by particular cynicism. When jumping "back and forth", he first dumps all the compromising material on his former bosses and swears complete corrupt loyalty in any position entrusted to him before the new masters. And since Andriy Iosypovych is indeed a man of little discernment and not at all squeamish, they keep him. To do the dirtiest work.

It is very interesting to write about this man. Because he is an excellent example of optimal adaptation to the current political moment, when big players are drawn into big political quarrels and pay no attention at all to the exploits of virtuoso opportunists. The point is that Andriy Iosypovych is extraordinarily cunning and is always ready to play a multi-move combination to indirectly "set up" big bosses and gain additional benefits. Which, in fact, he did with extraordinary daring, passing off his own epistolary creation as Tihypko's analysis. How many such sly low-ranking officials do you know?

Bohdan is so adept at cunning combinations that he easily manipulates the Cabinet of Ministers apparatus today solely in his own interests. And yet no one suspects anything. Everyone believes this scoundrel and even considers him a specialist.

True, there was a moment when Bohdan trembled, believing that his days were numbered. Pukshyn – his career father and the hand leading him through life – was forced to flee with Yushchenko. And before Bohdan, a man who had passionately come to love all these "anti-corruption gadgets", stood the main question: he needed to urgently guess whom to throw himself in with so as not to lose out and not to lose lucrative positions.

He frantically searched for a new big Pope. And found one. As Bohdan himself likes to tell, "now Grandpa Azarov cannot do anything to him, because his roof is Andriy Klyuyev, and his curator is Hennadiy Korban – a partner of I. Kolomoisky". In short, Bohdan today is an endless earning from "corrupt" services. Harsh, monotonous, regular earning, which necessarily relies on shadow agreements with the dirtiest businessmen.

Chronology of One Dirty Scandal

Just a year ago, Bohdan was pouring out honeyed speeches by the litre, invoking in vain the name of the then President Yushchenko. He was listed as a mandatory member of his team. He provided the shadow component of this team. Legal support and state administrative support for the seizure of others' property – such were Bohdan's functions. He played the role of a direct executor. But Yushchenko's team lost ignominiously in the winter of 2010 and slithered into dark holes to lick its wounds. And Bohdan… remained. A very tenacious little man. And even sharply increased his own criminal influence. Today Andriy Iosypovych is a man who personally allows himself to develop and implement a giant intrigue that boggles the mind.

It all started with something banal – the sly lawyer suddenly realises that in the Ministry of Justice there is a state enterprise that looks very appetising and brings big money to the treasury. Gosinformjust – it is about this enterprise that we are speaking – performs a number of very important functions: it maintains and administers numerous state registers. SE "Information Centre" ("Gosinformjust") is a state monopolist, holding databases of more than 17 various registers. Registration of property rights to real estate; prohibitions on alienation of real estate; everything related to mortgages; prohibitions on alienation of movable property, enforcement proceedings, etc. "A real money Klondike!" – Bohdan decided for himself and focused all his efforts and talents on subordinating this enterprise to himself. Or rather, to his partners from the aforementioned "Softline" group.

Initially, Bohdan decided to get by with minimal bloodshed – he simply went to the general director of the enterprise and delicately asked for the following service: "you are subordinate only to me and carry out only my orders". The director, of course, ignored all of this. Then followed the standard procedure of threats, shouting, and insults – Bohdan was overcome with genuine nervous fits, trying to convince the SE to agree with his arguments. However, to his great regret, it was not possible to gain total control over the activities of this enterprise with minimal bloodshed and force the general director to listen to his "valuable" instructions.

And then a giant intrigue was launched. Several ominous stages, each of which surpasses the previous one in brazenness and scale. And the most interesting thing is that Bohdan managed to drag even the top officials of the Cabinet of Ministers into his swindles. Bohdan's ideas enjoyed particular favour with… the once omnipotent First Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Turchynov. Turchynov is generally a very specific little man, who is capable of assessing the corrupt potential of any intrigue in seconds and quickly calculating personal income in one or another shadow deal. So, Turchynov took Bohdan's intrigue under his protection. And Andriy Iosypovych, in turn, went through the criminal stages.

At the first stage – several years ago – Turchynov personally participated in the systematic harassment of Gosinformjust. Oleksandr Valentynovych, relying on information from Bohdan and the expertise of the "Softline" enterprise, organised a comprehensive inspection by all executive bodies. The goal was only one: the exemplary intimidation of the SE's management. Gradually, the wave of inspections grew – blatantly commissioned inspections involving then specialists from the Main SBU, the Ministry of Economy, and the State Committee on Informatisation were used. Their task was to detect systemic violations and calculate huge amounts of damage. The administrative support of this blatant attack was taken on personally by Turchynov. Bohdan for now played the role of a trusted squire (on the Gosinformjust issue) to Oleksandr Valentynovych.

The second stage of the attack is associated with total falsifications: it turned out that it costs nothing for specialists from the Main SBU, the Ministry of Economy, and the State Committee on Informatisation to twist facts during the inspection, to distort them obviously, to include unreliable information in documents. To make paradoxical conclusions. And all of this – for only one purpose: what was commissioned was not a report on the actual state of affairs in a successful state enterprise, but a falsified report, with deliberately negative final conclusions. Moreover, the impression was created that the corresponding "dirty" conclusions had already been written, and the inspections were needed only to legitimise these conclusions. But the deception continues to grow. New and new faces are drawn into Bohdan's and "Softline's" intrigue.

Thus, at the third stage of the special operation to discredit the state enterprise, the Main SBU and the Ministry of Economy involve employees of research institutes of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in the inspection. The goal of these expertises is to assess the value of the software used by Gosinformjust. The experts' work is financed through the State Committee on Informatisation. And, moreover, the experts already come to the enterprise with a ready-made expertise that "everything is inflated" and "everything is wrong". But even here there is its own twist. In the grand scheme of things, the authors of the attack on the SE were not at all interested in the relative procedural cleanliness of the actions being carried out. And therefore, grossly violating the legislation of Ukraine on valuation activities, employees of the aforementioned institutes, not having the right to conduct such valuations and not having received access to the software and corresponding technical documentation from Gosinformjust, still conduct their own valuation. To make it clear, I will explain on my fingers: commissioned experts do not see the object of expertise at all, know nothing about it, do not read any documents, but confidently write absurd conclusions in the final report. "I have not read Pasternak, but I categorically condemn his Doctor Zhivago! And not only condemn, but demand that this harmful book be burned immediately". In the case of the "academic experts", it was precisely this life principle – we know nothing, we see nothing, but it is all bad. Roughly speaking, the experts consciously (which is already a basic motive for committing a crime in criminalistics), as part of a criminal group, undervalued the value of the SE's assets by tens of times, and thus fulfilled Bohdan's criminal order.

Naturally, Gosinformjust actively defended its own rights and tried to move any dispute from the criminal plane to the legal one. To this end, it goes to court regarding all the lawless (unlawful) actions undertaken by specialists of the Main SBU, the Ministry of Economy, and the State Committee on Informatisation. An absolutely correct and proper decision.

The court, having studied the case materials, absolutely reasonably issues corresponding rulings on the prohibition of the spread of deliberately falsified information reflected in the inspection acts before the consideration of questions on the merits.

Bohdan, however, does not lose hope. He has already understood that Turchynov is not a very scrupulous person, and he will in any case break any legal resistance. Our hero placed special hopes on the presidential elections, reasonably believing that with Tymoshenko in the presidency, Turchynov would have no checks and balances at all and could set his own rules everywhere he wanted.

However, the previous presidential elections turned out to be a strong disappointment for Bohdan. For several weeks, he falls into personal depression. And then, recovering from the post-election depressive syndrome, with extraordinary ease betrays all these comrades, patrons, and friends of the "orange movement" and swears friendship, loyalty, and reliability to the new masters. Why does he need to fawn over Pukshyn or Turchynov now? Now he faces a new task: to quickly and effectively deceive the new composition of the Cabinet of Ministers. And he had to do it first, to stake out a place.

He falls to his knees before the new masters, swears loyalty and devotion, promises that he can bring the new masters a lot of money, as he now understands a lot about anti-corruption policy (after the Ministry of Justice). He promises to do everything he is told without delay. And one of the influential groups of the new power picks up the traitor, pushing him into the position – Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine – Government Commissioner for Anti-Corruption Policy. Including to fight against… colleagues-opponents in the new power. Roughly speaking, Bohdan was taken so that his hands could "drown" their own. Because it is very convenient if in the fight against their own someone has to be dumped, well, someone overdid it, then Bohdan is a very convenient candidate for this job. An outsider and, moreover, a low-grade traitor.

But Bohdan himself is quite a master. Taking advantage of the fact that the new state designated the anti-corruption direction as one of its priorities and, being the head of the anti-corruption direction in the Cabinet of Ministers (well, they really sent a pike to bring order among the crucian carp), he lightning-fast reports clearly unreliable information about the activities of Gosinformjust to Prime Minister Azarov. Thus, having cracked a bit along the seams, Bohdan's big criminal plan begins its further movement.

The fourth stage of the special operation (already after the presidential elections and without Turchynov's participation): the Prime Minister of Ukraine, being a wise and balanced man, having listened to Bohdan, gives an instruction to the Main SBU to objectively conduct and complete the inspection for that very period that had already been inspected under the aegis of Tymoshenko – Turchynov. Of course, Mykola Yanovych tries to put the accents correctly. The other thing is that Bohdan – this corrupt official – perfectly understands that he only needs the prime minister's instruction. A formal piece of paper. And he will compose the filling himself. And this filling will smell very bad.

The fifth stage (Bohdan already has everything in his hands): the Main SBU immediately begins a re-inspection of the activities of Gosinformjust for the same period.

Let us leave aside for now the fact that the state is forced to pay again for the services of its own specialists, who are fulfilling a private order.

That is, paying twice for the same work. And work with a criminal stench. What is important is different – why does the Main SBU need to re-examine the same papers at all? What could be new in them? But the flywheel has already been set in motion. Bohdan himself is also not sitting idle. His task is to remove any unforeseen circumstances. And in particular, to remove from the path judges who demand compliance with the law in this case. Andriy Iosypovych personally calls Judge S., who is hearing the case on the claim of Gosinformjust, challenging the unlawful actions of the inspectors. Bohdan professionally and psychologically masterfully pressures the judge, threatening to put a fat cross on his career, and directly indicates which specific decisions he is to make in this case. Moreover, having gotten a bit into the swing of things, Bohdan sends SMS messages with direct threats and insults from his mobile phone (what a country!) to the judge's mobile phone. And what does he have to fear? He is the Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and himself (oh God!) the Government Commissioner for Anti-Corruption Policy. He will say that he has the right and that this is how he fights corruption.

More to come. Bohdan expects to significantly increase administrative pressure on Gosinformjust and therefore personally initiates an appeal by the Main SBU (to be clear, he writes it instead of the specialists from the audit department) to the Prime Minister, which contains a passage "about the impossibility of conducting the inspection, as there are court rulings that prohibit it". Incidentally, this was a complete lie. No one was obstructing the inspection. But again, something else is important here – namely, Bohdan's non-trivial skill of personally writing appeals and documents on behalf of other people. This classic thieving trick – passing off his own as someone else's – he will apply more than once. The culmination of which will be the aforementioned "Tihypko letter", which Bohdan himself wrote from "a" to "z".

But let us return to the anti-judicial deeds of the Deputy Minister of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. Using his official position, he initiates a representation for the dismissal of the aforementioned judge from his position for an alleged violation of the oath. And sends this representation to the High Council of Justice on behalf of… the Cabinet of Ministers. We said that this man has learned to brilliantly pass off his own need as a state interest. And, moreover, by signing deliberately corrupt resolutions, he thus prepares a straw mattress for the future: when they start to find out what this legal lawlessness is, Bohdan will say that he has nothing to do with it at all. And that his signature is nowhere to be found. Meanwhile, Andriy Iosypovych intensifies his psychological experiments and continues to exert strong pressure on